The
Chin people, speaking several dozen related dialects, live in the rugged hills area
of western Myanmar. The total population of the Chin people both inside and
outside of Myanmar is estimated at about two million. Scholars such as Lian H.
Sakhong believe that the Chin people descended originally from western China
and eastern Tibet into the present Myanmar via the Hukong Valley.[1] It
is also believed that the Chin people were the first group who settled in the
Chindwin Valley. Sakhong suggests that the Chin settlement in the Chindwin
Valley began in the middle of the eight century.[2]
According to the Pagan inscriptions, the Chin people were known as the Chin of
the Chindwin Valley. It is believed that they moved over to Upper Chindwin and
were dispersed in different parts of the Chindwin River, after the Chindwin
Valley was destroyed by the flood. The Chin people gradually moved from the
Chindwin Valley to the present area (western part of Myanmar), after the
founding of the Shan’s Fortress City of Kale-myo in 1395.[3] In
fact, the Chin people had no political relationship with the Burmans until Burma
got her independence from the British in 1948.[4]
Accept
it or not, the British colonial power paved the way for the coming of
Christianity among the Chin people. Western missionaries, with the help of
British colonial power, had easy access to remote areas such as the Chin Hills.
Eventually, American Baptist missionaries came to the Chin Hills in 1899, right
after the British invaded Upper Burma.[5] A
large majority of the Chin people, since then, began to embrace Christianity
through the untiring effort of American Baptist missionaries. But because of
this, the socio-political and religious identity of the Chin people have
changed, and apparently they also have faced negative political consequences
for it.
The Chin people, along with other ethnic
minorities in Myanmar, are socially and politically discriminated against,
oppressed, and even persecuted by the military regime mainly because of their
faith. Apparently, the regime had made systematic efforts to eliminate the
Christian literature, culture, and traditions of the ethnic people in order to
assimilate them into mainstream Burmese culture.
Donald
E. Smith called this process a “cultural Burmanization” of the ethnic
minorities.[6]
The term “Burmanization” usually goes along with a slogan: a-myo, ba-thar, thar-tha-na, which literally means one race, one
language, and one religion. Directly related to this slogan is a famous Burmese
phrase: “To be a Burman is to be a Buddhist.”[7]
The political implication of this concept is a belief that Myanmar should be a
country of only one race (Burman), one language (Burmese), and only one
religion (Buddhism). The regime’s government has been upholding this concept as
an unwritten domestic policy. Based on this policy, ethnic minorities,
including Chin, are denied their rights to teach their own language in public
schools. Moreover, they are denied their rights to freely practice their
Christian faith, build religious buildings, and or freely preach the gospel.
There
have been instances of oppressions, persecutions, and discriminations against
ethnic minorities perpetrated by the regime, just because of the above policy.
These serious abuses include “extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrest and
detention, torture and mistreatment, forced labor, . . . and religious freedom,
abusive military conscription policies, and extortion and confiscation of
property.”[8] A
Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) survey shows that 91.9% of the Chin people
have been forced to porter military supplies, sweep for landmines, be servants,
build roads, and do other hard labor.[9] Thousands
of Chin people, because of these atrocities induced by the regime armies, have
left their homeland. The estimated numbers of Chin refugees in India and
Malaysia have reached respectively 75,000 and 50,000.[10]
3. Three
Waves of Burmese Migration
The primary reasons for many people of
Myanmar, especially ethnic minorities, leaving their homeland is because of
poverty induced by the regime, lack of religious and political freedom. More
importantly, many have left their homeland because of human rights violations
such as forced labor, oppression, persecution, torture, rape, social
discrimination, and hope for a better future.
In
his article, “The Function of Ethnicity in the Adaptation of Burmese Religious
Practices,” Joseph Cheah divides the flow of Burmese immigrants in the U.S.
into three different waves.[11] These include: (1) the post-1967
anti-Chinese riots in Burma to the military crackdown on the 1988 pro-democracy
movement, (2) after the 1988 prodemocracy movement until 2006, and (3) the
resettlement of Karen[12] and Chin refugees, including other ethnic
groups from Myanmar since 2006 to the present.
There were only a very small number of
Burmese immigrants in the U.S., as Cheah notes, in the early 1960s. The
majority of these immigrants from the first wave were Chinese descents and
educated Burmese citizens who later “re-ethnicized” their identity as Chinese
rather than as Burmese on the U.S. census form. Cheah has rightly described
that they “were the kinds of immigrants sought by the 1965 Immigration and
Nationality Acts.”[13] A majority of Burmese immigrants from the
first wave live mainly in the San Francisco Bay Area, and most of them have
assimilated into the mainstream U.S. society.
The second major wave of Burmese immigrants
to the U.S. was more diverse. Many came to the U.S., after the military
crackdown in the 1988 prodemocracy movements in Burma, either as students or
visitors[14] mainly through India and Thailand. A number
of Chin, and other ethnic groups have left their home country and begun to
resettle in the U.S. since the late 1990s. Many of them entered into the U.S.
after spending years in refugee camps in Malaysia or elsewhere. For example, a
number of Chin and other ethnic people were stuck in Guam Island before they
were allowed to enter into the mainland in the late 1990s and early 2000s.
The third wave began with the influx of
Karen refugees in the U.S. in 2006 when the State Department issued waivers of
the “material support” provisions in the State Department’s Patriot and Real ID
Act, which had effectively barred most ethnic insurgent groups, including
Karen, from entering into the U.S.[15] Thousands of Karen refugees, including other
ethnic groups such as Chin and Kachin, have since then entered into the U.S.
and have formed their own ethnic congregations in many parts of the country.
There are currently more than fifty Chin
immigrant congregations within the Chin Baptist Churches, USA (CBC-USA) alone.[16] Apparently, these immigrant congregations are
in their early transition period in which they need to go through adaptive leadership
challenges and structural adaptations.
Many
of us have shared the strong inner conviction that as church leaders in times
of change, we must find ways of regaining control over our increasingly unclear
church environment. When we sense that our inner maps of church leadership are
becoming less and less effective and the images of leadership in which we were
trained are not robust enough to encompass our current reality, another inner
map tells us that we have to find a way of taking control in order to make
things work again.[17]
Chin immigrants from Myanmar are in their
early period of forming their ethnic congregations in the U.S. Being in a new
context, as Roxburgh has stated above, their “inner maps of church leadership”
tend to become less and less effective. Moreover, it seems that the images of leadership in which their
leaders were trained no longer fit in the new social and cultural context where
they now live. Put differently, things do not seem to work the way they used to
work. Also, many of these immigrants, as they live in this new context, tend to
have changed their worldviews, values, and behaviors. Thus, Chin immigrant
congregations in the U.S. are faced with adaptive challenges that call for
leadership experiments and ministry adjustments. The question, here, is how
have leaders of these congregations defined leadership in a way that is
effective and meaningful in their new context?
According to Ronald Heifetz and Marty
Linsky, adaptive challenges require “experiments, new discoveries, and
adjustments from numerous places in organization or community.”[18] The challenge for leaders of Chin congregations,
in this case, is to recognize the reality of adaptive challenges existing
within their own congregations. Recognizing this reality will help them to find
leadership meanings in their leadership experiments and ministry adjustments.
It will also keep them from being tempted to do ministry with a business as usual mentality.
It is no doubt that Chin immigrant
congregations in the U.S. are challenged to explore new leadership mappings in
their formation of new congregations. In such a context, leaders of these
congregations are challenged to engage in adaptive leadership experiments
within their new social context and cultural environment. Exploring such new
leadership mappings and adaptive leadership experiments is not an easy task,
but it is essential for the formation of these congregations. The question is in
what ways these congregations have engaged in their adaptive leadership
experiments and ministry adjustments. The following is some adaptive leadership
tools for Chin church leaders.
5.
Sensitizing Concepts: Leadership Tools for Chin Church Leaders
American
sociologist, Herbert G. Blumer first coined the term “sensitizing concepts” to
bridge the gap between theories and the empirical world. Blumer contrasted sensitizing
concepts with “definitive concepts.” Definitive concepts, according to him,
“provide prescriptions of what to see,” whereas sensitizing concepts “merely
suggest directions along which to look” in the research field.[19]
Will C. van den Hoonaard draws insights from Blumer and defines sensitizing
concepts as “constructs that are derived from the research participants’
perspectives, using their language or expressions, and that sensitize the
researcher to possible line of inquiry.”[20]
He says that sensitizing concepts give the researcher a “general sense of
reference and guidance in approaching empirical instances, suggesting helpful
directions along which to look.”[21]
Charmaz defines sensitizing concepts as “tentative tools” that provide ideas to
pursue and sensitize the researcher to ask particular kinds of questions
related to the research topic.[22]
Glenn M. Bowen also views sensitizing concepts as “interpretive devices” and
“starting points for building analysis to produce a grounded theory.”[23]
Keeping the above
definitions in mind, this paper proposes the following five sensitizing
concepts as conceptual frameworks for the Chin church leaders to look into the
lifeworld of their people. These sensitizing concepts include: adaptive
leadership, interpretive leadership, missional ecclesiology, religion and
ethnicity, and open systems theory.
In his book, Leadership without Easy Answers, Ronald
Heifetz views leadership in terms of “adaptive work,” which “consists of the
learning required to address conflicts in the values people hold, or to
diminish the gap between the values people stand for and the reality they
face.”[24]
Heifetz and Linsky state that “the deeper the change and the greater the amount
of new learning required, the more resistance there will be and, thus, the
greater the danger to those who lead.”[25]
The adaptive work, in this sense, is not an easy work. It calls for a leader to
be both “active and reflective,” which means a leader needs to have the ability
to “alternate between participating and observing.” Heifetz explains this by
using a dance metaphor. He states: “To discern the larger patterns on the dance
floor—to see who is dancing with whom, in what groups, in what location, and
who is sitting out which kind of dance—we have to stop moving and get to the
balcony.”[26] Heifetz
and Linsky further develop the dance metaphor in their co-authored book, Leadership on the Line. They state that
the challenge for a leader is “to move back and forth between the dance floor
and the balcony” in order to be familiar with both situations simultaneously.[27]
Using adaptive
leadership as a sensitizing lens, the following questions need to be asked: How
do leaders of Chin immigrant congregations get on the balcony, so that they know what is going on among their members and
in their communities? How have they addressed the leadership challenges within
their new social and cultural context that calls for adaptive changes? How have
they dealt with the social and cultural factors that have brought conflicts among
their members, especially among their young people?
Closely related to
adaptive leadership is interpretive leadership. In his book, Making Spiritual Sense, Scott Cormode
states, “Christian leadership is fundamentally an act of theological
interpretation.” He further argues that the “purpose of Christian leadership is
to make spiritual meaning.”[28]
Similarly, Mark Lau Branson also defines interpretive leadership as “shaping
meaning,” and it provides the “resources and guidance needed to shape a
community of learners that pays attention to and interprets both texts and
contexts.”[29]
Interpretive leadership challenges leaders to observe and interpret the current
life and ministry of the church. But, as Cormode puts it, leaders do not make
meaning for others. Rather, he states, they “provide a theological framework
that enables others to make their own spiritual meaning.”[30]
Branson suggests
that leaders can create an environment through their practices and words that
makes innovation possible by giving the adaptive work to a larger group of
participants.[31] This
process requires an interpretive work that connects with the background,
distributes leadership, and experimentally innovates a way into the new realities
of different context.[32]
Dwight Zscheile asserts that interpretive leadership is not simply a process of
leaders interpreting reality on behalf of others. Rather, he argues, it
“involves a deep, relational conversation of listening and speaking in which
all parties risk learning as well as changing.”[33]
Interpretive
leadership takes seriously “the voices, hopes, fears, and dreams of those at
all levels of the church and interpret them communally in light of the biblical
narrative.”[34] Thus, one
of the main challenges for Chin church leaders is whether they have taken
seriously the voices, hopes, fears, and dreams of their members. Moreover, it
is important how these leaders have interpreted the daily life struggles of
their people in light of the biblical narrative. Also, it is essential to ask
the question how these leaders have taken seriously the daily life struggles of
their people and made spiritual meanings out of it.
Darrel Guder and his colleagues introduced
the missional church conversation into the academic setting in late 1990s by
publishing the book, Missional Church.[35] The missional church conversation was
initiated by the Gospel and Our Culture Network (GOCN)[36] in the late 1980s, as a response to the Gospel
and Culture discussion in the Great Britain that originated with Lesslie
Newbigin’s book The Other Side of 1984.[37] Newbigin defined mission in terms of missio Dei, the mission of God.[38] In a way, the Missional Church is a reflection of Newbigin’s mission theology.
The central argument of the book is: “mission is not merely an activity of the
church. Rather, mission is the result of God’s initiative.”[39] Thus, it is not the church that has a
mission, but “it is the mission of the Son and the Spirit through the Father
that includes the church.”[40] David Bosch appropriately defines mission as
“being derived from the very nature of God.”[41] He writes, “The classical doctrine on the missio Dei as God the Father sending the
Son, and God the Father and the Son sending the Spirit was expanded to include
another ‘movement’: Father, Son, and Holy Spirit sending the church into the
world.”[42] George Hunsberger, reflecting on this, views
missional church in terms of “a body of
people sent on a mission,” which means the church is by its very nature
missionary, and it represents God’s kingdom as a sign, agent, foretaste, and
instrument.[43]
Many churches,
influenced by the false dichotomy between church and mission, view mission as
something the church does, defining
the church’s missional identity in terms of what it does on behalf of God in
the world. This functional approach, according to Craig Van Gelder, shifts the
“focus away from the agency of the Spirit” and “redirect it to the primacy of
human agency and responsibility.”[44] Van
Gelder argues that church and mission are not two distinct entities, but they
are interrelated and complementary. Thus, he advocates for the need to
integrate the two, saying that missiology
and ecclesiology are “interrelated and complementary” and they start at the
same point with the triune God in mission to all of God’s creation in the world.[45] The Willingen Conference
in Germany in 1952 began to recognize this concept and provided
the trinitarian basis for mission by stressing the idea that mission has its
source in the triune God.[46]
The implication of the triune
God understanding of missional church is that the Trinity exists in relational
community, and the leadership of missional church is called to reflect on the
nature of the triune God and live as a relational community. In his book, The Crucified God, Jürgen Moltmann
develops an understanding of the trinitarian history of God with the world
emphasizing the mutual involvement of the triune God and the world.[47]
This social doctrine of the Trinity focuses on “relationships and communities.”[48]
The Scripture teaches that God is a passionate God whose love is directed
towards the world by sending God’s Son, Jesus Christ through the power of the
Holy Spirit. This God’s outreaching love of the world, according to Catherin M.
LaCugna, makes God essentially relational, communal, and interdependent.[49]
The relational, communal, and
interdependent nature of leadership is best expressed through a perichoretic[50]
understanding of the Trinity. The perichoretic understanding of the triune God
is similar to John Zizioulas’s “being as communion.”[51]
For Zizioulas, there cannot be true being without communion, and he asserts
that to be a person is to be in communion with and relation to the other.[52]
Drawing from Zizioulas’s idea, Van Gelder and Zscheile view the Trinity in
terms of a perichoretic community that is interdependent and relational. They
write: “Relational trinitarian theology gives us a vision of God as a dynamic
community of mutuality, openness, difference, and love that makes space for
others to participate.”[53]
This gives us the implication that mutuality, relationality, openness, and
interdependence are essential elements in the leadership of the church. Now,
the question is how leaders of Chin immigrant congregations have used the
relational-communal concept as a sensitizing lens and approached the triune God
from a relational-communal aspect.
Scholars in the
field of sociology agree that religion has long been playing an important role
in the lives of many immigrants in the U.S., while less attention has been paid
to the role of ethnicity or race in new immigrants’ religious experiences.[54]
Will Herberg was a pioneer scholar who argued that religion rather than ethnic
origin “has become the differentiating element and the context of
self-identification and social location” for the European immigrants.[55]
Milton Gordon followed Herberg’s approach and argued that all persons should be
treated equally without taking into consideration their racial background for
any purpose.[56]
Implicit in Gordon’s argument is that race or ethnicity should not be the
determining factor for self-identification. Herberg and Gordon, along with many
recent American scholars, tend to equate American society with the experience
of European Americans.[57]
Many Asian-American
scholars have argued against the above approach. Antony W. Alumkal and Pyong
Gap Min, among many Asian scholars, argue that religion and ethnicity are
equally important in maintaining and preserving the cultural and ethnic
identities of Asian ethnic immigrant congregations.[58]
Alumkal insists that the religious institutions are not simply places where
religious doctrines are taught, but also places where “ethnic and racial
identities are preserved, reformulated, and mobilized and where relationships
to the larger society are negotiated.”[59]
He states: “an immigrant church is not only a source of close social ties with
co-ethnics—an ethnic Gemeinschaft—but
also a place that reproduces the society of origin on a small scale—in other
words, an ethnic Gesellschaft.”[60]
Alumkal and Hurh
and Kim use the terms Gemeinschaft and
Gesellschaft without providing their
definitions and making proper distinctions between the two. Ferdinand Tonnies,
a German sociologist first coined these two terms to distinguish between two
social groupings—community and society— in which individual’s identity is
formed.[61] Gemeinschaft is simply translated as
“community” referring to social groupings based on “mutual bonds.” Whereas Gesellschaft is translated as “society”
referring to individuals who are in relations with one another but remain
independent and devoid of mutual relationships.[62]
Embedded in the Gemeinschaft is
mutual bonding, and a person’s identity is ascribed in such a community.
Individualism plays a central role in the Gesellschaft
and a person’s identity is achieved in such a society.
The Gesellschaft is best depicted by U.S.
mainstream cultures that give priority to individuals as “potentially
self-sufficient agents endowed with fundamental rights.”[63]
McAdams uses the terms collectivism and
individualism in line with Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft concepts. McAdams writes:
Many Americans see life in highly
individualistic terms. We strive to live out fully our own individuality . . ..
We may concede that parents, lovers, friends, teachers, and a few other
important individuals have had some impact on us as we have developed over
time. But we tend to be rather obtuse in sorting through how social
institutions, for example, may have shaped our identities. Beyond making vague
references to things like “my religious heritage” or “the American Dream,” we
tend to have remarkably little insight into the ways our lives are framed by
cultural categories, values, and norms.[64]
In contrast, the collectivist
cultures give priority to the group and emphasize the values of group harmony,
cooperation, solidarity, and interdependence.[65]
Juan F. Martinez
draws insights from McAdams and asserts that the individualist seeks to be
unique or to express the self, whereas the collectivist seeks to fit in or to
find a place in the social order. As a result, he concludes, “individualist
cultures seek to help a person to express him or herself, while collectivist
cultures want the individual to learn to adjust and restrain the self to
maintain shared benefits and social harmony.”[66]
Self-definition, for individualists, does not come from who they are, but what
they do. The self, for them, is the center of action, which “does not allow for
recognition of social control and of the structures that limit the choices of
many people, particularly those in ethnic or racial minority groups.”[67]
It is apparent
that many Chin immigrants, especially their younger generations, are tempted to
escape from their Gemeinschaft culture
and attracted to the mainstream individualist cultures. Unfortunately, they are
caught between two cultures—collectivist and individualist—which usually lead
them into social identity conflict. Thus, the challenge for Chin church leaders
is to discover how they teach their members (especially younger generations)
about the importance of maintaining and preserving their ethnic Christian
identities as they live in this individualistic society.
Rebecca Kim argues
that ethnic immigrant churches can have a “stronger basis for
meaning-construction and cohesion,” enabling “individuals to find community and
construct a religious as well as an ethnic identity.”[68]
She insists that ethnic churches serve as important spaces that offer emotional
and social services that ease immigrants’ sense of loss. She adds that the
“ethnic church is where immigrants find a sense of belonging, value, and
shelter in the new land.”[69] Helen R. Ebaugh and Janet S. Chafetz
also support this view, though their main emphasis is on religion. They state,
“immigrant religious institutions provide the physical and social spaces in
which those who share the same traditions, customs, and languages can reproduce many aspects of their native
cultures for themselves and attempt to pass them on to their children.”[70]
Studies among
immigrant congregations suggest that participation in ethnic immigrant churches
contributes to maintaining ethnicity by increasing ethnic fellowship and social
networks among church members.[71] The
Chin people, in understanding the ethnic church as such, have formed their own
ethnic congregations throughout the U.S. to provide spaces for their people in
maintaining and reproducing their home cultures and ethnic Christian
identities. In fact, Chin immigrant congregations serve as spaces for religious
or spiritual (Christian) fellowship as well as social networking.
Open systems theory is another
sensitizing lens that is helpful to explore the adaptive leadership experiments
among Chin immigrant congregations. The challenge for Chin church leaders is
whether they are mindful of the nature of open systems theory and are able to
use it as a sensitizing lens in order to look into how their congregations are
affected and shaped by their social and cultural environments.
What is open systems
theory? Ludwig von Bertalanffy, a German biologist, first introduced systems
theory into the social science world through his work in biology and
ecosystems, which later became known as General
System Theory.[72]
Open systems theory, which stems from this general system theory, views
organizations as unique entities influenced by their immediate environment.
This system was developed in reaction to the traditional theories of
organizations that failed to take into account the environmental influences
impacting the efficiency of organizations. The traditional theories usually
treated the organization largely as a “self-contained” entity known as a
“closed-system” theory.[73]
In open systems theory,
the environment is conceptualized as an entity that lies outside the boundary
of an organization, providing the organization with raw materials and other
resources (inputs) and absorbing its products and services (outputs). In
general, organizations in open systems theory have the ability to adapt to its
environment by possessing permeable boundaries through which new information
and ideas are readily absorbed.[74]
Hence, the survival and growth of a congregation depends upon its relationship
with and adaptability to the changing social context.
Van Gelder, drawing from
open systems perspective, argues that there is a dynamic relationship between a
congregation and its local context. The more changes that occur in context, he explains,
the more adaptive a congregation needs to be to stay in fit with its community.[75]
Van Gelder, keeping this in mind, suggests that the missional church should not
close itself off from its immediate context and changing community in order to
survive and develop meaningful ministry. Rather, it should learn how to “adapt
and recontextualize its ministry to address the challenges and opportunities
that it faces with such changes—always forming
and reforming.”[76] A
congregation, looking from an open systems perspective, can shape and affect
its environment as it engages in its local community, and it can in turn be
affected and shaped by the people, resources, and other institutions in that
environment.[77]
Drawing from “resource
dependency theory,”[78]
Van Gelder insists that there is always a flow of activity in a congregation
interacting with its environment, people
and resources are flowing in, and
ministry is flowing out. In this process, he argues, it is essential for a
missional congregation “to attend to the feedback loop of information regarding
how these flows are functioning.”[79]
He further suggests: “congregational leaders need to attend carefully to the dynamics of process when introducing
change.”[80] In the
same way, they need to “help a congregation develop capacity to respond to change taking place within its ministry and
the community it seeks to serve.”[81]
This is where an open system “provides a framework that can be utilized for
addressing the dynamics of either guiding planned change, or responding to
unanticipated change.”[82]
[1] Lian H.
Sakhong, Religion and Politics among the
Chin People in Burma (1896-1949) (Uppsala, Sweden: Uppsala University,
2000), 72. Sakhong quotes from Gordon H. Luce, “Old Kyaukse and the Coming of
Burman,” Journal of Burma Research
Society, vol. xlii, no. 1 (June 1959): 75-112.
[2] Ibid.,
73. Gordon H. Luce, “Old Kyaukse and the Coming of Burman.”
[3] Ibid.,
77f.
[4] The
British annexed the Chin Hills separately in 1896. Since then, the Chin Hills
was under the direct administration of the British until 1948. See Sakhong, Religion and Politics among the Chin People
in Burma.
[5] Shwe Wa,
Burma Baptist Chronicle, 383f; Robert
G. Johnson, History of American Baptist
Chin Mission, vol. 1 (Valley Forge, PA: Judson Press, 1988), 29ff.
[6] Donald
Smith, Religion and Politics in Burma, 154.
[7] Ibid.,
83.
[8] Human Rights Watch, “We are Like Forgotten People,” The Chin People of Burma: Unsafe in
Burma and Unprotected in India (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2009), 4. See
Za Uk Ling and Bawi Lian Mang, Religious
Persecution: A Campaign of Genocide Against Chin Christians in Burma (Ottawa,
Canada: Chin Human Rights Organization, 2004).
[9]
Physicians for Human Rights, Life Under
the Junta: Evidence of Crimes Against Humanity in Burma’s Chin State (Cambridge,
MA: PHR, 2011), 10. PHR is an independent, non-profit organization that uses medical
and scientific expertise to investigate human rights violations and advocate
for justice, accountability, and the health and dignity of all people. Since
1986, PHR has conducted investigations in more than 40 countries around the
world, including Afghanistan, Congo, Rwanda, Sudan, the United States, the
former Yugoslavia, and Zimbabwe. See also at http://physiciansforhumanrights.org/about/.
[10]
Physicians for Human Rights, Life Under
the Junta, 10.
[11] Joseph
Cheah, “The Function of Ethnicity in the Adaptation of Burmese Religious
Practices,” in Emerging Voices:
Experiences of Underrepresented Asian Americans, ed. Huping Ling (New
Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2008).
[12] Ibid.,
200.
[13] Ibid.,
201. The 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act abolished the natural origins
quota system—American immigration policy since the 1920s—replacing it with a
system that focused on skilled immigrants and family relationships. The 1965
INA marked a radical break from the immigration policies of the past, which excluded
Asians and Africans. See Jennifer Ludden, “1965 Immigration Law Changed Face of
America” at http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5391395
(a ccessed April 27, 2012).
[14] Ibid.,
202.
[15] Ibid.,
202.
[16] Chin
Baptist Churches, USA (CBC-USA) is a non-profit religious organization whose
main goal is “to have fellowship to help support each of Chin Baptist churches
and other Chin Christian churches in America to grow in body and spirit.” See http://cbfamission.org/index.html
(accessed February 22, 2012).
[17] Alan J.
Roxburgh, Missional Map-Making: Skills
for Leading in Times of Transition (San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 2010),
4.
[18] Ronald
A. Heifetz and Marty Linsky, Leadership
on the Line: Staying Alive through the Dangers of Leading (Boston, MA:
Harvard Business School Press, 2002), 13. Heifetz views leadership as an adaptive work that requires a change in values,
beliefs, or behavior. It consists of the learning required to address conflicts
in values people hold, or to diminish the gap between the values people stand
for and the reality they face. See Ronal Heifetz, Leadership Without Easy Answers (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1994), 22, 30-31.
[19] Herbert
G. Blumer, Symbolic Interactionism:
Perspective and Method (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1969), 148.
[20] Lisa M.
Given, ed., The SAGE Encyclopedia of
Qualitative Research Methods, vol. 2.
(Los Angeles, CA: SAGE Publications, 2008), 812.
[21] Ibid.
[22]
Charmaz, Constructing Grounded Theory, 16.
See Charmaz, “Grounded Theory: Objectivist and Constructivist Methods,” in Strategies for Qualitative Inquiry, 2nd
ed. by N. K. Denzin and Y. S. Lincoln (Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage, 2003).
[23] Glenn
M. Bowen, “Grounded Theory and Sensitizing Concepts,” in International Journal of Qualitative Methods, vol. 5, no. 3 (September,
2006): 2, 7.
[24]
Heifetz, Leadership without Easy Answers,
22, 31. Heifetz explains the process of adaptive work by using the
doctor-patient analogy. He distinguishes adaptive from technical work. See more
detail from Heifetz pages 73-84.
[25] Heifetz
and Linsky, Leadership on the Line, 14.
[26]
Heifetz, Leadership Without Easy Answers,
252-253.
[27] Heifetz
writes: “Achieving a balcony perspective means taking yourself out of the
dance, in your mind, even if only for a moment. The only way you can gain both
a clear view of reality and some perspective on the bigger picture is by
distancing yourself from the fray. Otherwise, you are likely to misperceive the
situation and make the wrong diagnosis, leading you to misguided decision about
where and how to intervene.” Heifetz and Linsky, Leadership on the Line, 53-54.
[28] Scott
Cormode, Making Spiritual Sense:
Christian Leaders as Spiritual Interpreters (Nashville: Abingdon Press,
2006), x-xi.
[29] Mark
Lau Branson and Juan F. Martinez, Churches,
Cultures and Leadership: A Practical Theology of Congregations and Ethnicities (Downers
Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2011), 55, 212-215. See Mark Lau Branson,
“Forming God’s People,” in Leadership in
Congregations, ed., Richard Bass (Herndon, Virginia: The Alban Institute,
2007), 97-108; Mark Lau Branson, “Interpretive Leadership During Social
Dislocation: Jeremiah and Social Imaginary,” Journal of Religious Leadership, vol. 8, no. 9 (Spring, 2009):
27-48.
[30]
Cormode, Making Spiritual Sense, 47.
[31] Mark
Lau Branson, “Interpretive Leadership During Social Dislocation,” 32. See
Heifetz, Leadership without Easy Answers,
20.
[32] Ibid.
[33] Dwight
Zscheile, “The Trinity, Leadership, and Power,” Journal of Religious Leadership, vol. 6., no. 2 (Fall 2007): 61.
[34] Ibid.,
61-62.
[35] Darrel
Guder, ed., Missional Church: A Vision
for the Sending of the Church in North America (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B.
Eerdmans, 1998). A number of follow-up books have been published since the
publication of Missional Church. To
mention among many, Craig Van Gelder, The
Essence of the Church: A Community Created by the Spirit (Grand Rapids, MI:
Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2000); Lois Barrett, et. al., Treasure in Clay Jars: Patterns in Missional Faithfulness (Grand
Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2004); Craig Van Gelder, The Ministry of the Missional Church: A Community Led by the Spirit (Grand
Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2007); Craig Van Gelder and Dwight Zscheile, The Missional Church in Perspective: Mapping
Trends and Shaping the Conversation (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic,
2011).
[36] GOCN is
a “network of Christian leaders from a wide array of churches and
organizations, who are working together on the frontier of the missionary
encounter of the gospel with North American assumptions, perspectives,
preferences, and practices.” See http://www.gocn.org/
(accessed March 12, 2012).
[37] Leeslie
Newbigin, The Other Side of 1984:
Questions for the Churches (Geneva: WCC, 1983).
[38] Leeslie
Newbigin, The Open Secret: An
Introduction to the Theology of Mission (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans,
1978/1995); Newbigin, Trinitarian Faith
and Today’s Mission (Richmond: John Knox Press, 1964).
[39] Darrel
Guder, ed., Missional Church, 4,
77ff. See David J. Bosch, David J. Bosch, Transforming
Mission: Paradigm Shifts in Theology of Mission (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis
Books, 1991), 390.
[40] David
J. Bosch, Transforming Mission, 390.
Bosch quoted from Jurgen Moltmann, The
Church in the Power of the Spirit: A Contribution to Messianic Ecclesiology (London:
SCM Press, 1977), 64.
[41] Ibid.
[42] Ibid., 390-92. The phrase missio Dei was the outcome of Willingen conference 1952, used by
Karl Hartenstein his report on the meeting. Karl Barth first developed the missio Dei concept, though he did not
use the exact phrase, in his paper read at the Brandenburg Missionary
conference in 1932. Barth rejected the idea of mission as a human activity of
God; for him, mission is not a matter of human goodwill and reparations, but it
is a matter of divine purpose. Mission, for him, began with the divine sending
of God’s self in the Holy Trinity. Reflecting on Barth’s idea, Hartenstein used
the phrase missio Dei in his
Willingen report. For him, to speak of mission is to participate in the sending
of the Son, in the missio Dei, with
an inclusive aim of establishing the lordship of Christ over the redeemed. See Norman
E. Thomas, ed., Classic Texts in Mission and World Christianity (Maryknoll, NY:
Orbis Books, 1995), 104-105; Georg
Vicedom, The Mission of God: An
Introduction to a Theology of Mission, trans. Gilbert A. Thiele and Dennis
Hilgendorf (St. Louis: Concordia
Publication House, 1965); Darrel
Guder, ed., Missional Church, 187;
Van Gelder and Zscheile, The Missional
Church in Perspective; Stephen B. Bevans and Roger P. Schroeder, Constants in Context: A Theology of Mission
for Today (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2004/2005); John G. Flett, The Witness of God: The Trinity, Missio Dei,
Karl Barth, and the Nature of Christian Community (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B.
Eerdmans, 2010).
[43] Darrel
Guder, ed., Missional Church, 81,
101f.; David J. Bosch, Transforming
Mission, 390. Hunsberger developed his missional church argument in his
article: “Sizing up the Shape of the Church,” in The Church between Gospel and Culture: The Emerging Mission in North
America, ed. by Craig Van Gelder and George R. Hunsberger (Grand Rapids,
MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1996).
[44] Van
Gelder and Zscheile, The Missional Church
in Perspective, xvii. See Van Gelder, The
Essence of the Church, 23f.
[45] Craig
Van Gelder, The Essence of the Church, 31.
See Van Gelder and Zscheile, The
Missional Church in Perspective, 31, 103.
[46] Norman
Goodall, Missions Under the Cross:
Addresses Delivered at the Enlarged Meeting of the Committee of the
International Missionary Council at Willingen, in Germany, 1952 (London:
Edinburgh House Press, 1953), 189; Van Gelder and Zscheile, The Missional Church in Perspective. The
concept of trinitarian basis of mission emerged later. See a full discussion on
this subject in John G. Flett, The
Witness of God: The Trinity, Missio Dei, Karl Barth, and the Nature of
Christian Community.
[47] Jürgen
Moltmann, The Crucified God: The Cross of
Christ as the Foundation and Criticism of Christian Theology (Philadelphia:
Westminster, 1960).
[48] Jürgen
Moltmann, Trinity and the Kingdom: The
Doctrine of God, trans. Margaret
Kohl (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1981), 19.
[49]
Reflecting on LaCugna’s doctrine of the Trinity, Veli-Matti Karkainen states
that the purpose of the doctrine of the Trinity is not the inner life of God,
but rather the relationship between
economy and inner life of God: “God for us.” Veli-Matti Karkainen, The Trinity: Global Perspectives (Louisville,
KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2007), 178f.; LaCugna, God for Us: The Trinity and the Christian Life (San Francisco:
Harper, 1991), 22, 243; Stanley J.
Grenz, Rediscovering the Triune God: The
Trinity in Contemporary Theology (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2004).
[50] The term perichoresis has been explained in
different ways. For example, Catherine
Lacugna explains it “being-in-one-another, permeation without confusion.” Paul
S. Fiddes uses “reciprocity” and “mutual indwelling” to explain it. Miroslav
Volf uses “mutually internal” and
“reciprocity interiority of the
trinitarian persons.” See Catherine M. LaCugna, God for Us, 271; Paul S. Fiddes, Participating in God: A Pastoral Doctrine of the Trinity (Louisville,
KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2000), 71-72; Miroslav Volf, After Our
Likeness: The Church as the Image of the Trinity (Grand Rapids, MI:
Eerdmans, 1998), 208-209; Jürgen Moltmann, The
Trinity and the Kingdom (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993), 150f.
[51] John
Zizioulas, Being as Communion: Studies in
Personhood and the Church (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press,
1985). See Van Gelder and Zscheile, The
Missional Church in Perspective, 105.
[52]
Ibid.,15. See Veli-Matti Karkkainen, The
Trinity, 90-91.
[53] Van
Gelder and Zscheile, The Missional Church
in Perspective, 105, 108.
[54] See,
for example, Stephen Warner and Judith Wittner, eds., Gatherings in Diaspora: Religious Communities and the New Immigration (Philadelphia,
PA: Temple University Press, 1998); Helen R. Ebaugh and Janet S. Chafetz, Religion and the New Immigrants:
Continuities and Adaptations in Immigrant Congregations (New York: Atamira
Press, 2000); Helen R. Ebaugh and Janet S. Chafetz, eds., Religion Across Borders: Transnational Immigrant Networks (New
York: Altamira Press, 2002); Fred Kniss and Paul D. Numrich, Sacred Assemblies and Civic Engagement: How
Religion Matters for America’s Newest Immigrants (New Brunswick, NJ:
Rutgers University Press, 2007).
[55] Will
Herberg, Protestant, Catholic and Jew (Garden
City, NJ: Doubleday, 1955), 35.
[56] Milton
Gordon, Assimilation in American Life:
The Role of Race, Religion, and National Origins (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1964), 251.
[57] See,
for example, Andrew Greeley, Why Can’t
They Be Like Us? (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., 1971); Andrew Greeley, Ethnicity in the United States: A
Preliminary Reconnaisance (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1974); Warner
and Wittner, eds., Gatherings in Diaspora;
Ebaugh and Chafetz, Religion and the New
Immigrants.
[58] See
Pyong Gap Min, Preserving Ethnicity
through Religion in America: Korean Protestants and Indian Hindus across
Generations (New York: New University Press, 2010); Antony W. Alumkal, Asian
American Evangelical Churches: Race, Ethnicity, and Assimilation in the Second
Generation (New York: LFB Scholarly Publishing, 2003); Pyong Gap Min and
Jung Ha Kim, eds., Religions in Asian
America: Building Faith Communities (New York: Altamira Press, 2002); Won
M. Hurh and Kwang C. Kim, Korean
Immigrants in America: A Structural Analysis of Ethnic Confinement and Adhesive
Adaptation (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1984).
[59] Antony
Alumkal, Asian American Evangelical
Churches, 1.
[60] Ibid., 97. Alumkal quotes from Hurh and Kim, Korean Immigrants in America.
[61] See
Ferdinand Tonnies, Community and Society,
translated and edited by Charles P. Loomis (New York: Harper and Row,
1957).
[62] Ibid.,
37f, 76.
[63] Dan P.
McAdams, The Redemptive Self: Stories
Americans Live By (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2006), 278.
[64] Ibid.,
274.
[65] Ibid., 278.
[66] Branson
and Martinez, Churches, Cultures and
Leadership, 155. See Dan P. McAdams, The
Redemptive Self; Hazel Karkus and Shinobu Kitayama, “Culture and the Self:
Implications, for Cognition, Emotion, and Motivation,” Psychological Review, 98 (1991): 224-53.
[67] Ibid.,
160.
[68] Rebecca
Kim, “Religion and Ethnicity: Theoretical Connections,” Religions, vol. 2 (2011): (2011): 321.
[69] Ibid.,
318, 320. See Michael W. Foley and Dean R. Hoge, Religion and the New Immigrants: How Faith Communities Form Our Newest
Citizens (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2007); Min and Kim, eds., Religions in Asian America.
[70] Ebaugh and Chafetz, Religion and the New Immigrants, 80. Ebaugh and Chafetz,
“Structural Adaptations in Immigrant Congregations,” Sociology of Religion, vol. 6, no. 2 (2000): 135-153. In fact
religion continues to be an important identity marker for new immigrants in the
U.S. It provides a social space for expressing ethnic differences. See Fenggang
Yang and Hellen Rose Ebaugh, “Religion and Ethnicity among New Immigrants: The
Impact of Majority/Minority Status in Home and Host Countries,” Journal of the Scientific Study of Religion,
vol. 40, no. 3 (2001): 367.
[71] Pyong
Gap Min, Preserving Ethnicity through
Religion in America, 77. See Hurh and Kim, Korean Immigrants in America; Hurh and Kim, “Religious
Participation of Korean Immigrants in the United States,” Journal of the Scientific Study of Religion, vol. 29 (1990): 19-34.
[72] Ludwig
von Bertalanffy, General System Theory:
Foundations, Development, Applications, rev. ed. (New York: George Braziller, 1968). See Craig Van Gelder, The Ministry of the Missional Church,
134; Mary Jo Hatch, Organizational
Theory: Modern, Symbolic, and Postmodern Perspectives, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press,
2006), 37ff.
[73] Craig
Van Gelder, The Ministry of the Missional
Church, 126ff. See Mary Hatch, Organizational
Theory.
[74] Mary
Hatch, Organizational Theory, 77ff.
See Peter G. Northhouse, Leadership:
Theory and Practice (Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2007).
[75] Van
Gelder, The Ministry of the Missional
Church, 127. Here, the concept of “adaptive change” is found in Heifetz’s
work. See Heifetz, Leadership Without
Easy Answers, 22, 69f. Heifetz and Linsky, Leadership on the Line, 13-20, 119.
[76] Ibid.,
122, 127.
[77] Nancy
T. Ammerman, et. al., Studying
Congregations: A New Handbook (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1998), 14. See
Nancy Ammerman and Carl S. Dudley, Congregations
in Transition: A Guide for Analyzing,
Assessing, and Adapting in Changing Communities (San Francisco, CA:
Jossey-Bass, 2002).
[78]
“Resource dependency theory” is simply a concept that is interested in how the
external resources of organizations affect the behavior of the organization.
Hence, the resource dependency theorists see the organization as adapting to
the environment as dictated by its resource providers. This theory argues that
an analysis of the inter-organizational network can help an organization’s
managers understand the power/dependence relationships that exist between their
organization and other network actors. See Mary Hatch, Organizational Theory, 80-81.
[79] Van
Gelder, The Ministry of the Missional
Church, 145.
[80] Ibid.
[81] Ibid.
[82]
Ibid.,154. Emphases original.
I agreed with you and strongly support your thesis:
ReplyDeleteLeadership and the role of Church in American-Chin Community is an importance issue. Clearly, the church is still the core of Chin community. The Church could be the main tool for preserving identity and her culture. Therefore the role and leadership of d church is critically important.
Little comment:
This essay seems to be too academical and aim for academician.
Although the term Myanmar and Burma, are used here and there identically, Burmese are not identical with ethics group or Chin people. If you could explore more about the role, the nature and the challenges face by chin church in new context, it will be great asset for adapting/forming your scholarly theory.
Hello Bawi Thang: Thank you very much for posting your comment on my essay! First, I have to admit that this essay is not well organized as it needs to be. But this is only part of my research project proposal. As you rightly pointed out, this is meant to be academic. Regarding the terms "Myanmar" and "Burma," I did explain in my full proposal. In general, I use "Myanmar" after the 1989 coup and "Burma" before the 1989.
ReplyDeleteAs you rightly pointed out, the church is the core of Chin community in America, and I am sure it is also true in other countries where the Chin people resettle. Sadly, however, I found out that leadership among Chin churches (in America) is very weak. Some Chin churches have realized this issue and have organized leadership workshop in their churches. Currently, I am leading a weekend leadership workshop in a small Chin church in northern Texas, US. Again, thank you so much for your thoughtful comment. God bless. Pa Hlei